TRNUC hears from one complainant in open session |17 September 2021
Mr Francourt
Regis Francourt was the only complainant to appear before the Truth, Reconciliation and National Unity Commission, in open and closed sessions, in Case 0370, yesterday morning.
In the first half open session, Mr Francourt, who was accompanied by his son, Craig Francourt, said that he had to forcibly leave Seychelles to go into political exile in the United Kingdom (UK) two months short of his twenty-sixth birthday. He said he did so because he, like some other people, was being victimised for his political belief.
He stated that he fled the country after eight years of constant threat, persecutions and punishments by the state, especially with regard to furthering his education and work opportunities.
He explained that he was even prevented from operating his own business while living on Praslin where a fishing boat he had was constantly sunk to prevent him from using it.
Mr Francourt acknowledged though that he was an active member of the underground resistance movement, the MPR.
He added that they were fighting to return the country to democratic governance and that was done by using every tool available in their tool box at that time, to communicate their displeasure to the authority.
He said the people were denied the political choice, freedom of the press, freedom of association and freedom of expression.
He added he was happy that the objective has been achieved as freedom now reigns in the country.
He said he only joined the resistance organisation at that time to exert pressure on the one- party state for the return of multi-party democratic governance and since the return of democratic rule he has had no link to the organisation.
Mr Francourt stated that on one of the numerous occasions that the Minister for Defence, Ogilvy Berlouis, summoned him to his office at State House, between 1984 and 1986, he (Berlouis) had made it clear that he could not guarantee his (Francourt) security and would be better that he leave the country.
He added that the minister told him if he remained in the country he would end up like his friend Simon Denousse. Denousse was allegedly blown up in a car at Anse Forbans in October 1982, along with South African bomb expert, Mike Asher.
He said he had been arrested and jailed many times previously between 1979 and 1986, was never given access to a lawyer or faced any charges in court. He noted that his uncle, Guy Francourt, was also jailed and deported to the UK.
He said that although he took the threat on his life seriously, he continued to stay in the country. One day, in February 1987, while he was working at Village Du Pecheur on Praslin, he got a visit from a state security agent from State House who warned him that a hit squad was being dispatched to kill him.
He noted that the hit squad did come to his residence on Praslin, in the early hours of the following night, but they were distracted by the night watchman he had hired.
He noted that at that time only his girlfriend was in the house and he was on a business meeting on Mahé.
He said the hit squad came back a few nights later and his old watchman observed them going around the house perimeter with their hand guns drawn.
However, they panicked and fled after the watchman had blown his whistle.
Mr Francourt stated that 48 hours after the incident and after a rushed civil wedding, he and his girlfriend flew to Bahrain on the evening of March 4, 1987, and onward to London, to begin life in exile as political refugees under the United Nations Convention.
He said he lived in exile for twenty-five years and became a British citizen.
He stated that during the many years while in exile, he carried the burden of hatred as he had been through some rough experiences.
He noted that with the passing of time and older and wiser, he had embarked on a spiritual journey which had rid him of the burden and he is now on the path of healing.
Mr Francourt refuted allegations that he was affiliated with Parti Lepep (now United Seychelles) and that he was the syndicate responsible for putting skulls around the country.
He forgave all those who deprived him of his rights, freedom and liberty.
Speaking about some of his fallen friends during the one-party state, Mr Francourt stated that there was no reason for the state to kill Alton Ah-Time as he was harmless and was not involved in any resistance activities, although he had his political opinion. Ah-Time disappeared on September 13, 1984. He presumed he was killed because he was close to Simon Denousse but this was not a valid reason for him to be killed. Denousse was allegedly blown up in a car at Anse Forbans in October 1982, along with South African bomb expert, Mike Asher.
Mr Francourt said that he and Denousse were close friends with the same beliefs to see a change in the country.
He further said they were the only two persons identified by the resistance movement (MPR) for a military training in South Africa. He noted that Denousse made it to the training but he did not as a result of his skin colour which was not welcomed in South Africa at that time.
He stated that he met up with Denousse in 1982, upon his return, to talk things over and later on the night before he died, he met up with him at St Louis on his way to Romeo Quatre (post master at the time and friend of theirs) who had wanted to meet up with him. He said he learned of Denousse’s death the following day.
He said that he and Denousse used to go to Mr Quatre’s house at Stevenson Delhomme road as he had known Quatre to be part of the resistance.
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Mr Francourt said that they were not going to blow up the country with explosive but only to target the high officials in government and to create chaos to make life difficult for them to govern the country.
He explained that Mr Quatre might have been a double agent but he could have been pressured to lure Denousse into the hands of his captives had the plot been uncovered.
He said that Denousse had only a box of cigarettes in his possession and was unarmed when he was captured.
He noted that Mr Quatre was very friendly with them but after the incident he never spoke to him (Francourt) again and even avoided him at every opportunity.
On a lighter note, he said that once, as students in 1979, he and Denousse were asked by a friend, who was in the resistance movement, to show the country to a tourist. He added that it was after the mercenary attack on November 1981 that they knew they had naively driven Mike Hoare, one of the world’s most notorious mercenaries from South Africa, who took pictures at strategic defence locations, among other places, on Mahé.
In relation to the death of Michael Hoffman in July 1981, he said that he (Hoffman) was the resistance ears as he was able to gather a lot of information at the police station. He said Hoffman and others in the car (Sony Elizabeth and Brian Victor) were going to collect some arms at the Exile Army camp to ambush army trucks loaded with ammunitions for the militia, a plan he was involved in. He added that they were looking for arms for stockpiling to be used later. He said they were double crossed by the soldiers who were going to sell the arms to them, including being double crossed by a state agent. Hoffman and Elizabeth were killed by soldiers and Victor survived.
Mr Francourt also talked about Gerard Houareau who was assassinated on November 29, 1985 outside his house in Edgware, London and Claude Monnaie, who died in October 2003 on Praslin when a pick-up truck belonging to a Walter Constance was set on fire with him inside, among others.
Patrick Joubert